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Estonia blames Russian special services for the Milrem arson

The government said the security service concluded with full confidence that the fire at the Tallinn building in August was commissioned sabotage, and the foreign ministry summoned Russia's chargé d'affaires. No trial has tested the finding.

Marta KaskSenior editor7 min read

The Estonian government said on Monday that the arson attack on a Milrem Robotics building in Tallinn on 15 August was sabotage commissioned by Russian special services. On Tuesday the Foreign Ministry summoned the Russian chargé d'affaires to condemn it. The conclusion rests on an assessment by the country's Internal Security Service, and it is the first time the state has named a foreign power as the author of the fire.

The attribution changes the character of a case that had been reported for six weeks as a suspicious blaze with three suspects and an open question. It also puts the defence industry on notice in a way a criminal file cannot, because the threat the security service describes is aimed at the sector rather than at one building in Lasnamäe.

The finding, in the government's words

“Today, we can state with full confidence that the arson attack on Milrem in Estonia on the night of August 15 was an act of sabotage commissioned by the special services of the Russian Federation. The Estonian Internal Security Service has reached this conclusion after a thorough assessment of the information it has gathered.”
Kristen Michal, Estonian prime minister

Michal described the attack as part of a broader Russian campaign in Europe aimed at intimidating European states and pushing them to reduce their support for Ukraine, and said it showed Moscow's growing frustration as the war goes badly. He also said the state is capable of protecting its own security, and that similar operations have been prevented before they could be carried out.

What the finding rests on, and what it does not

The attribution comes from the security service rather than from a court. The government says the service reached its conclusion after assessing the information it had gathered, and that material in the criminal proceedings points the same way. The three suspects, all Latvian citizens, are in custody in Estonia and are held under the penal code section covering damaging and destroying property, a classification the state prosecutor said in September could still change.

No evidence has been published. An intelligence assessment is not a verdict, the three have not been tried, and the person who commissioned the attack, if the government's account is right, is not among them. The finding is best read as a statement of what the state believes it knows, backed by a service that says it has more than it can show.

Margo Palloson, the director general of the security service, called the incident the first successful attack carried out on behalf of Russian special services in Estonia this year, and said the threat of further provocations has not passed. His service says Russian agencies continue trying to recruit and influence people across Europe, including for sabotage work.

The sequence, as the state has described it

  • 15 August: a fire in a building used by Milrem Robotics on Betooni tänav in Tallinn's Lasnamäe district, reported by a resident who had seen suspicious activity nearby.
  • 17 August: two Latvian citizens are detained in Latvia. A third is detained the following day, and searches turn up data storage devices and items that may have been used to start the fire.
  • 17 and 18 September: Latvia hands all three suspects over to Estonia, where a court remands them in custody.
  • 28 September: the government attributes the attack to Russian special services on the strength of the security service's assessment.
  • 29 September: the Foreign Ministry summons the Russian chargé d'affaires to condemn the attack.

The response is diplomatic, and the threat is described as continuing

“Russia's sabotage campaign will not achieve its objectives. Estonia and our allies are identifying such attacks, responding to them jointly and continuing to increase pressure on Russia. At the same time, we will continue to provide comprehensive support to Ukraine.”
Margus Tsahkna, Estonian foreign minister

Tsahkna said Estonia would work with allies to tighten sanctions and look for further restrictions on travel by Russian citizens to Europe. The same meeting covered Russia's missile and drone strikes on Ukraine, where the ministry said nearly 200 civilians were killed and more than 1,230 injured in September alone.

The security service's warning was aimed at companies rather than at diplomats. Organisations that support Ukraine and firms in the defence industry face an elevated threat, Palloson said, and the service recommends that security measures be strengthened. It says it works with Estonian companies and with international partners on prevention.

The disclosure argument now has an answer

Last week we reported that the Ministry of Defence will not name the Estonian companies that receive 100 million euros a year for products destined for Ukraine, that the Riigikogu's budget control committee says it has been unable to obtain the distribution, and that the National Audit Office did not examine the transactions in detail. The defence minister, Martin Herem, said then that the ministry knows exactly what was bought from whom, and that recent events made it fairly clear why the identities of the suppliers were being withheld.

The attribution gives that position its strongest possible form. If a foreign service is commissioning fires at defence plants, a list of the companies supplying a war is a target list, and publishing it would be careless rather than transparent. The narrower request from the audit office and from the industry association, that the selection criteria be published even if the names are not, survives the finding untouched.

What changes is the balance of the argument. In August, a programme with a classified supplier list looked like a disclosure problem. In September it looks like a security measure that has not yet been explained in public. The minister's refusal is easier to defend now, and the case for publishing the criteria is no weaker.

What to watch

  • Whether the charge changes. Property damage is the smallest available description of what the government now says happened, and a case that stays there will be hard to square with the announcement.
  • Whether anything is published about how the three were recruited and paid. That is the part other companies in the sector can act on, and the part that stays secret longest.
  • Whether the Baltic states respond together. The suspects travelled from Latvia and were handed over by Latvia, and a campaign against the region's defence industry is a regional problem.
  • Whether defence companies say anything at all about their own security, in public or in filings. The sector's silence about the attack has been total.
  • Whether the supplier list is published in any form, or whether the budget debate this autumn treats the secrecy as settled.
  • Whether Russia answers the summons. The state has not said what response it received, if any.

The finding is the government's, and no court has tested it. It nonetheless settles the practical question the sector has been living with since August: the fire was not vandalism, and the risk falls on companies that supply a war. Estonia's defence industry turned over 750 million euros last year, two thirds of it from exports, and the security service has now told it directly to harden its sites. That advice costs money, and it is the first bill the sector has received for the position it occupies.

Sources

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